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from those who work for themselves.
As the heat of argument intensified, extremist views were expressed from both sides: that it was rim'- to “crack down” on all union activity; or that any legislation ar all at this time would “enslave” labor.
Frankly, although I undertook to support the bill which I thought gave the best promise of contributing to the elimination of practices which nyg{it qualify as “labor racketeering”^ I was not convinced that the “strongest” of the measures offered could be expected to effect an immediate and dramatic cleanup orf mess® placing the labor movement.or even sideline Jimmy Hoffa. Nor did I believe the “strongest” bill placed before us would “enslave” organized labor, or even limit in any substantial degree legitimate collective bargaining. r
Truly “tough” labor bills— including such features as subjection of unions to the antitrust laws, a national “right to.work” law, and prohibition of industry-wide bargaining..ideas which have4 cocisiderable public support_were not even given serious consideration in the recent debate.
A-. for Mr. Hoffa, proponents of the various bills before the House emphasized that a “bill of rights” for union members would help to.insure a democratically-operated union, in which such as he could not ride to dictatorial power over the fear-insured submission of his dues-paying members. Th; "bill of rights” provisions do give additional instalments of protection to the individual members, including specific access to the courts and election guarantees, but whether Hoffa, for example, would be voted out bv his own union in a fear-free poll remains to be seen.
With respect to the hoodlumism,
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