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juicing when legislation conceived in a spirit of arrogance and insult meieiv is altered to make it a little less insulting, a little less scornful of our historic concepts of law and justice. Of e\ en greater importance to an understanding of Jthe legislative situation is the fact that what the Senate has done to the bill is not binding on the House. In view of the substantial majority by which the House passed it in its original and mors; drastic form, it seems unlikely there will be ready agreement to the Senate amendments. Many “librals.” who want a stronger bill, can be expected to vote against accepting the Senate “compromise.” The great majority r>f Southern legislators, who see no excuse for such legislation in any ^ '-pi will not support the Senate hill.
- 'jppate-House conference op civil rights legislation, expected House conferees would be senior Democratic and Republican members of the House Judiciary Committee—men from the North and West readv to fight for the strong House bill. The Senate conferees normnllv would he drawn from the too ranks of the Senate Judi<-arv Committee, and at least two of them would represent the Southern viewpoint. Because the <-Ml rights hill which was passed V- -/! pot hern referred to that comTTuftee. 'however. V tee President Won could name other Senators as conferee*. There would he the nn-Mbilitv, in such an event, of the Senate's lying represented bv conferees more pa-tial to the harsher House hill than to the Senate's amended one—conferees philosonh'callv pr-r.->-p(! to “give ill ’ easilv to the House.
If we assume, that we will get no worse than the Senate bill, whv should we not breath a sigh of relief. concede that a new “civil rights” law was inevitable, and murmur, “It could have been. Worse ?”
Should we accent with good grace a measure which would create a federal commission, empowered to roam the nation looking for discontent—seeking allegations that claimed “civil rights ’ * had been violated; hiring infor
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