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is and how politically expedient it would be to cut taxes. It is my earnest hope, however, that the Congress will not yield to that temptation before we know the real intent of the new Stalin and of Lenin, both of whom repeatedly said Communism and Capitalism could not liy.e at peace in tfie same world. The peace gestures made by Malenkov in recent weeks have been words only. He has the power to stop fighting in Korea whenever he sees fit, 1>ut by bitter experience from the Yalta Conference through the Pamunjum truce talks we know that the Communists have np regard for their pledged word. If Malenkov decides to end the Korean war and to ease the Cold War in Europe, it will be more logical to assume that he is using that device to end the rearmament program of the free world and cause a division over the resulting economic strains and stresses .that would be a fertile field for Communistic propaganda than to assume that the Politburo has abandoned the Lenin-Stalin conception of world domination.
If we fail to get peace in Korea on honorable terms in the near future, I hope our President, his Cabinet and the Congress will agree that we cannot afford to gamble with the destiny of this nation by giving up the restraining influence of potent armed forces in return for what is euphoniously called “butter instead of guns.” Former Speaker Rayburn of the House has assured President Eisenhower that he will support any defense program which the President deems necessary for our safety. And so will I.
Last week was the anniversary of the supreme sacrifice made for mankind by the Prince of Peace. Nearly two thousand years ago He gave the world a plan for peace but the worldwide lack of faith in that plan was reflected in the synical remark of Stalin to Roosevelt at Yalta when Roosevelt refered to the Pope’s influence among his Catholic followers. "How many divisions does the Pope have?” asked Stalin. Stalin had respect for physical force and so doe*
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