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Democratic strategists are convinced that either of the two candidates for governor would make a strong leader for the ticket, and that Terry would be an outstanding nominee for attorney general.
They are equally convinced, however, that Wilder would have no chance whatever of winning in a statewide race, and indeed, that his presence on the ticket could very well scuttle the chances of both of his running mates.
The reasoning involved is far more of a commentary on the Virginia electorate than it is on Wilder. For the past 15 years he has served Richmond with great distinction in the Senate. He is perhaps the bes^ orator in the body, and has risen to the chairmanship of the powerful Privileges and Elections Committee, one of the most prestigeous posts in the upper house.
Rut with respect to his statewide political ambitions, his liabilities are two-fold. He is a black and he is a professing liberal.
“If Doug were white, with his liberal record his candidacy would be a laugh,” said one Democratic legislator. “Moderate and conservative candidates would be lining up to run against him.”
But Wilder is not white, and nobody is lining up.
The reason is that neither Wilder nor his followers take defeat, or even challenges, lightly. In the view of some who speak from experience, to support Wilder is to be the salt of the earth, but to oppose him — or even to question his electability — is to risk being accused of racism regardless of what the reason for the opposition or question might be.
Furthermore, it is feared that if Wilder were opposed and defeated for the nomination, he would mount some sort of partyshattering independent candidacy for the office, or, at the very least, lead thousands of crit
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