Block · one region of the page, as the scanner read it. It may hold a whole story, part of one, several, or an advertisement; stitching blocks into articles is the next step. Text is supplied OCR.
Page 4 · column 4 of 6 · from the scan, no model involved
ists in Central America. One did not in 1958. And had it, our political parties would not have disagreed about what to do. Even in 1960, a Democratic president proclaimed at his Inaugural: “Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.” In 1986, what to do is a partisan issue: generally, Republicans think we should support the anti-communist Contras, while Democrats do not.
In 1986, mention of God in public schools is a national concern. It was a concern but not an issue in 1958: the aforementioned Democratic Inauguree endorsed the “revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought,” citing chiefly “the belief that the rights of man come not from
the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.” In 1986, the status of this belief is,a partisan issue: generally, Republicans think that it should be treated in schools as essentially American, while Democrats oppose judicial nominees who agree as “religious fanatics.”
In 1986, it’s a national concern whether Americans should be ruled bureaucratically. The regulatory machinery that a national welfare state requires didn’t exist, nor was it proposed in 1958. (Recall again the Democratic rhetoric of 1960: “Ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country.”) In 1986, bureaucratization ind welfare are partisan issues: generally, Republicans think that an independent spirit and healthy family life require decreases in taxation and regulation, while Democrats think that increases are necessary for “social justice. ”
In 1958 our parties were agreed on “great national issues.” Thus there really were none. But this is not the case today. So how is it they were not recently decisive?
91.5%