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They note, correctly, that primary elections drain off vast amounts of available Democratic campaign cash which could be better spent in the general election race against the Republican candidates. They believe, with some justification, that primaries stir deeper intra-party passions and leave more lasting scars than do conventions. They also note that in Virginia’s “open” primaries there is nothing to prevent Republicans from coming in and voting to “set up" the weakest Democratic candidate as an easy GOP target in the November election.
Significantly, the known potential Democratic candidates for the party’s nomination for governor are not hostile to the primary proposal. Del. Richard Bagley of Hampton openly supports the idea saying it would broaden the base of the party and open up the nominating process. Sources close to Attorney General Gerald Baliles, Lt. Gov. Richard Davis and Sen. Hunter Andrews of Hampton say all three men personally “lean toward” the primary method of nomination.
Sen. Douglas Wilder of Richmond, who may become the first black in Virginia to receive a major party’s nomination for statewide office, makes no secret of his interest in running for lieutenant governor. Understandably, he prefers a convention.
In spite of the rationales advanced by the advocates of the primary, many political observers are convinced that their main reason for wanting to dump the convention method is the near disaster the party suffered at its most recent conclave in Norfolk in May.
“It was totally out of control,” said a senior Democratic state official. “A convention like that next year could nominate a bunch of liberals who wouldn’t have a prayer of winning in November. It’s too much of a chance to take in a year when we’re electing a governor.”
Thus, before the Democrats get down to the business of nominating their candidates, they have to decide how it will be done. This alone appears likely to turn into a rruyor political battle before it is settled.
But how it is settled—and how much blood there is on tKe fWor when the fight is over—could bear importantly on which party occupies the Governor’s Mansion and the other statewide offices after the elections of 1985.
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