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Northern Virginians is to elect two governors in a row from that region even though the first might be a Democrat and the second a Republican.
Hager is keenly aware of Andrew’s potent regional connections, but believes he can remain competitive in all parts of the state.
Those close to his campaign, though, say they would be happy to settle for 40 or more percent of the vote up north in the June primary, particularly since Hager has strong ties to the Richmond area, Southside and southwest Virginia. Thus a south-ofthe-Occoquan strategy seems to be emerging that would target Hager resources principally in those regions most friendly to Main Street Republican candidates in the past.
Hager has exhibited boundless energy in repeatedly traveling the state with a “tripod” strategy of fund raisers preceded and followed by meetings with as many prospective voters as he can find and one-on-one interviews by reporters and broadcasters who can provide free media. He is skilled at stating his conservative philosophy succinctly and candidly.
Both Andrews and Hager contend they would be of more value to prospective Republican gubernatorial nominee Jim Gilmore on the statewide ticket and both make persuasive arguments. 1 will deal in more depth with that subject in a later column.
If “location, location and location” are the three essential factors in valuing real estate, then “turnout, turnout and turnout” are the three most critical factors in the primary election. *
Hager thinks, as does most everyone else, it will be “miserably low,” and not approach last June’s showing in a senatorial primary. If that is the case, then all who can be persuaded to vote will wield power far beyond their numbers. That is why John Hager, a man used to fighting and winning uphill battles, is out there spreading his message seemingly undaunted by the challenge that a statewide race presents for anyone who attempts it.
John Goolrick, a former political reporter, is now an aide to 1st District Rep. Herbert Bateman. Opinions expressed are his own.
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