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dent “less often than any other member of the Virginia congressional delegation.” He does not tell you that because he was running for the United States Senate that year he cast votes less often than any member of the delegation, but more importantly, he fails to inform you that from 1983-1988 (Trible’s years in the Senate) Trible voted in support of the President over 80 percent of the time, which placed him first among the Virginia congressional delegation.
Incidentally, Congressman Parris, whom Blackwell “likes and respects” finished last. Moreover, from 1981-1988, Trible amassed an 82 percent conservative rating from the ACU and 8 percent liberal rating from the ADA (Parris’ figures were 81 percent and 12 percent) and both the National Security Council and the National Right to Life surveys rate him at 100 percent.
Naturally, in his zeal to tarnish Trible’s conservative credentials, he does not mention any of these ratings either.
Blackwell castigates Trible for having “joined the liberal lynch mob and ‘having’ tried to prevent Ronald Reagan from having Ed Meese as Attorney General”, when, in fact, Trible only suggested the President might be better served by a less controversial nominee and, more importantly, voted for Meese’s confirmation! “Join the liberal lynch mob?” Really!
And, of course, no critic of Trible can ignore the Iran-Contra debacle, and Blackwell jumps on the bandwagon (not to imply that he just got there), in part, . because Trible signed the Democrat majority committee report “harshly critical” of President Reagan. What he does not say is that in his individually written addendum, Trible criticized the majority for their attempts to unfairly implicate the President in wrong
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