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convention, the party will elect a new chairman, new officers and a new state central committee. All of the posts are for four year terms.
Any attempt to analyze the situation within the party is complicated by the fact that there are no really profound differences between the factions. In their on-the-record responses to questions, party spokespersons deny that factional differences even exist.
Indeed, it is arguable—and possible—that the deep-seated divisions which lie just below the apparent surface calm have as much to do with personalities as with philosophies.
Whatever the basis of the split may be, the conservatives see Sen. Paul Trible as the point man in the ultra-conservatives’ bid for power. They are divided, > however, about his role. Some see him as ltitle more than the instrument of the real power-seekers around him. These include his coterie of supporters both within the party and the membership of the “Main Street Establishment” who believe his energy and ambition could be useful. Others, however, believe Sen. Trible is very much in command, and is, in fact, leading the charge.
In either case, he generates strong sentiments among his critics.
“Paul’s ambition is not the healthy kind,” a senior Republican observed bitterly in a recent interview. “There’s something almost malignant about it.”
Also deeply involved in the drive to capture the party is Judy Peachee, a top Trible aide.
“Judy Peachee,” said my GOP source, “is the most powerful woman in the state of Virginia. She was responsible for Mills Godwin’s election to a second term as governor, for John Warner’s election to the senate and for Paul Trible’s win over (Lt. Gov.) Dick Davis last year in the senate race. Beside that, you can see her hand in more past congressional and General Assembly races than you can say grace over!”
It is clear that any takeover of the party by the far right would, in all likelihood, extend her power to the party’s top policy and decision-making echelons.
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