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introduce a bill which he or his constitutents might deem important?
Debate on the scope of the limiting resolution, the critics point out, might take up as much of the legislators’ time as would the bills the resolution is designed to prevent being introduced.
Beyond that, they raise the possibility of a series of lawsuits by legislators who want to introduce measures but find themselves prevented from doing so by the assembly’s interpretation of the limiting resolution. Besides, they correctly note, the lawmakers already have the authority to impose such a limitation on themselves if they would exercise the self-discipline necessary to do so. But the proponents of the amendment argue that this is precisely the point. Without a binding amendment, the lawmakers do, indeed, lack this kind of self-discipline.
With the amendment, .they would have no choice ‘but to adopt some kind of limitation.
Those favoring adoption also argue that most lawmakers would be happy to have a reason to defer the introduction of many bills until the even-year 60 day sessions when, at least in theory, the measures could be processed in a more thoughtful and deliberate manner.
Even the supporters of the amendment agree, however, that the measure is tepid and watered down. As it will appear on the ballot, it falls far short of what they would really like—a clear-cut constitutional definition of what they can and cannot enact during the odd-year assemblies. Some, like Sen. Howard Anderson of Halifax, would like to see the short sessions eliminated completely and the legislature returned to meeting every two years.
But the question on the ballot will deal with the proposed amendment as it is now written.
Its critics concede that because it sounds attractive, it will probably pass. But they - along with many Capitol observers - are convinced that, at best, it will have little impact on the legislative log-jam and. at worst, it will create more problems than it will solve.
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